<> on March 14, 2014 in Paraty, Brazil.

We want our dignity back, we want our land. We cannot live in these farms owned by Canadians in our homeland. It means we have borrowed life from  a Canadian” – Msuzi We Ndlizioyo.

The winds of revolution are once again blowing over the African continent. From Burkina Faso to South Africa, Congo to Mali, from Burundi to Zimbabwe, we have seen a new radicalisation of the workers and the youth and the rise of mass movements that have challenged corrupt capitalist regimes in one country after another.

As part of this revolutionary re-awakening, many radical anti-capitalist imperialist figures are being rediscovered, like Mametlwe Sebei (WASP), Irvin Jim (Numsa) , Julius Malema (EFF), and, indeed, the entire #Feesmustfall movement leadership. We have seen the likes of Andile Mxitama who is one of the greatest Black Consciousness Movement theoreticians emerging from the underneath with movements such as Land First Black First. Some of these revolutionaries emerge from PAC, BCM and some would emerge from the convulsive decades of ANC led liberation movement.

The ANC led revolutionary movement’s legacy as an anti-apartheid movement and as emerged after 1994 carrying the hopes of the millions of black people should be recovered and the revolutionary edge of this movement thought sharpened to arm the new South African revolutionary vision – LAND LAND LAND!!!

In between 2011 and 2013, i have lived in one of the farming areas in Sekhukhune region called Marble Hall near Groblersdal. It is an Afrikaaner dominated small and traditional town. In this town the remnants of Afrikaaner cultures could still be noticed there and there. The shops there are mainly owned by Afrikaaner families who still own the land around and the farms at the outskirts of the town. If you see a black person walking on the street in this town it is either a maid, a shop keeper or a farm worker to a white man.

Inside the farms nearby there are black families that are still living under servitude conditions. Besides there are one or two schools, hostel like shelters and mobile clinics in these farms the families there are unmanageable and fragmented; alcohol and drug abuse and STD’s related illnesses are the command of their lives day-by-day. Death as a result of health illnesses is common and not worrying to some white farm owners. Violence within these families and between families as a result of alcohol and drug abuses is as well the way of life in these dwellings.

The children in these farms attend school until grade 10 and then drop out to work in the farms. This is simply because their parents comes from Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola and elsewhere, and do not have proper documentations to enable their children to further their careers in universities or colleges, either do they have knowledge of such. Their parents do not have banking accounts nor have ID documents to support their children in accessing further opportunities outside the farming life.

At one incidence where one of the girls living in this farm was punished for buying clothes at a shop in town that is not preferred by the farm owner, I was lucky enough to have been briefed about it. I have learned as well that, in fact, they are not allowed to go shopping outside the farms for the food. Even at month end they are dictated to by liquor only at the selected bottle stores preferred by the farm owners – at the white owned shops in town.  The only mode of transport to town is the bus owned by one of the Afrikaaner tycoons in town – their buddy Alfred.

At these farms it is common for a 15 years old girl to fall pregnant and then go live with a stay-in lover in a make shift house at the nearby farm. After the girl picks a boyfriend who happen to be somewhat 30 years older a shabby wedding can be arranged in a week and so.

It is also a tradition that new arrivals that come to work at these farms must practice a ritual which says older men must pick nice women first before anyone else. Remember, in these farms there are arrivals of hundreds of “illegal” or what the system calls “Aliens” refugees who winged out of their countries for economic or political reasons. They make their final journeys at these farms where they are employed at the cheap rate. Vulnerable and exhausted the young women would settle for anything that could relieve them of their sufferings; abuse and exploitation of these young women by older men who are already working at these farms is communal.

All these continue to put more and more of our people at risk of circles of HIV/AIDS infections and health ills and deaths. The SA borders are opened only for these bad things to happen on a daily basis to our people by our people. Black people cross the borders looking for better lives in SA, only to be subjected to the life of a slave under the what so-called democratic government. This is a horrible government for any black man crossing the borders into SA. The ANC policies on local government, since it came in to power, reflect two horrible factors:

1 – Majority of black people who are at the lowest levels should be given the left-overs of the few upper rich class, which are whites. Should this arise at a crisis point for the whites the majority of black people’s needs should be compromised to preserve the domination of the white minority. Often to avoid pissing off the masters in Europe who have economic policy pacts with the ANC.

  1. Use all methods available to stay in power and never pass the laws that demand the total expropriation of the land, nationalization of the commanding heights of economy and retain minority rights not to make the masters mad: As this might tricker the US intelligence (CIA), British intelligence (Mi16) and Israel terrorist wing (ISIL) to call for regime change using their most effective tools in SA – corporate media.

History is not beautiful, and let us look into it briefly.

In Agriculture, during the colonial period, British companies set up plantations in the best agricultural areas in South Africa and other parts of the region. These plantations concentrated on cash crops such as sugar and tobacco, to sell in the region and for export to Europe and later the U.S. These plantations thrived on cheap African labor, as well as imported Indian contract workers.

In the post-World War II period, these plantations became multinational agribusinesses, with mainly British but also U.S. capital. They not only expanded and mechanized the plantation system, but also developed associated processing industries. They continued to sell their products in South Africa, the rest of the region and abroad.

The wages of the non-white agricultural laborers were even much lower than those of the mining and manufacturing workers. Also, the mechanization of agriculture led to increasing unemployment, pushing many of these workers back into the already overcrowded labor reserves. The system as well was used to dehumanize African black labourers in the farms, pushing them to go look for employment in the mining and manufacturing which was very overcrowded. The struggle to free African labourers and the return of their land which was heavily taken by the whiteman for agricultural was propelled forward somewhere in the 1950s.

This was championed by the formation of Pan-Africanist Congress. The PAC’s ideological roots were laid in Africanist views of Anton Lembede. The PAC born from ANC through the 1950s finally parted company when Potlako Leballo, Robert Sobukwe and others formed the PAC on April 6-7, 1959.

Sobukwe assumed the major leadership role until his death in 1978. He was greatly influenced by George Padmore, the West Indian former communist, who had been expelled from the international communist movement. His writings and speeches reflected the Pan-Africanist views current at the time calling for a united Africa made up of free and independent states, of which South Africa would be one.

 We need to build a mass movement that gives support to the revolutionary movement of the Azanian people.

The PAC was the first to put forward the name Azania for a free and independent Black republic in South Africa. The name was further popularized by the Black Consciousness groups during the 1970s. There is no evidence that this name was ever used historically to refer to any specific area. It was rather derived from Bantu languages, Arabic and the history of East Africa and the migration south of its people.

In the spirit of the PAC, particularly on land question, as Azanians and our international alliances we should mobilise the entire society; “The PAC made it clear that, contrary to the views expressed in attacks from the ANC and SACP, it was not chauvinist. It rejected multi-racialism, considering this a concession to European bigotry and a safeguarding of white privileges.”

The PAC held that the struggle in South Africa was for the repossession of African land from the foreign settlers. Anyone who expressed loyalty to Africa and was prepared to accept the democratic rule of the African majority was welcomed to be a part of the independent African state.

The Pan-Africanists insisted that white supremacy had to be destroyed if apartheid was to end. To them, part of this process included destroying the idea that Blacks could not lead themselves and that it was alright to have white leadership as long as it was “left” or liberal. While standing on this principle, they recruited Indians and some white militants to join their ranks.

Seeing the sufferings of the people in the farms, on their land, by the whiteman and his systems it is time for the Africans to rebuild the spirit of PAC, take their land and then determine if they change the name. The people of South Africa will ultimately determine what they will call their country. Until that time, we uphold the name Azania because of its implication of self-determination and national liberation.

No whiteman, in our showers or in our government, would determine what have to be done to the people in Marble Hall living in those farms under the system architecture by the whiteman himself. It is only the government of the Africans by the Africans that can liberate those people that I have witnessed in Marble Hall and elsewhere in South Africa.

This democracy has been built on the injustices of the black race. The ANC and its masters in Europe entered into a pact that forced injustices on the black race. The land belonged to the Africans in Africa, not other race. What has been build on injustice is unjust.

Izwe lethu!!!



We have witnessed the developments in the alliance (ANC-SACP-Cosatu) and how Cosatu and SACP have been deceived by the ANC bourgeoisie bloc to collapse workers’ unity in order to implement capitalist policies freely. We have witnessed how the capatalists have teamed up with the ANC leaders to purge the likes of Zwelinzima Vavi and Numsa leadership in general. We have witnessed how Marikana occurred and how the system works to undermine justice in the name of “commissions”.

However, the struggle for Socialism requires struggles for students and workers unity in action. Let us turn to the Fourth Congress of the Third International, the thesis on Communist work in trade unions:

“Despite the fierce anti-Communist witch-hunts being stirred up everywhere by the reformists, we must continue to fight for the slogan of the Communist International – against the splitting of the trade unions – with the same militancy with which we have fought for it up till now. The reformists are trying to use expulsions to provoke a split. Their aim in systematically driving the best elements out of the unions is to make the Communists lose their patience and nerve, so that instead of completing their carefully thought-out plan to win the trade unions from within, the Communists will leave the unions and come out in favour of a split”.’ (Comintern, 1921).

In Leon Trotsky’s article; Permanent Revolution & Results and Prospects, we have learned that in the event of a decisive victory of the revolution, power will pass into the hands of that class which plays a leading role in the struggle—in other words, into the hands of the proletariat. Let us say at once that this by no means precludes revolutionary representatives of non-proletarian social groups entering the government. They can and should be in the government: a sound policy will compel the proletariat to call to power the influential leaders of the urban petty-bourgeoisie, of the intellectuals and of the peasantry.

The whole problem consists in this: who will determine the content of the government’s policy, who will form within it a solid majority?

 It is one thing when representatives of the democratic strata of the people enter a government with a workers’ majority, but it is quite another thing when representatives of the proletariat participate in a definitely bourgeois-democratic government in the capacity of more or less honoured hostages.

The policy of the liberal capitalist bourgeoisie, in all its wavering’s, retreats and treacheries, is quite definite. The policy of the proletariat is even more definite and finished. But the policy of the intellectuals, owing to their socially intermediate character and their political elasticity; the policy of the peasantry, in view of their social diversity, their intermediate position and their primitiveness; the policy of the urban petty-bourgeoisie, once again owing to its lack of character, its intermediate position and its complete lack of political tradition—the policy of these three social groups is utterly indefinite, unformed, full of possibilities and therefore full of surprises.

It is sufficient to try to imagine a revolutionary democratic government without representatives of the proletariat to see immediately the senselessness of such a conception, the exploitation. The refusal of the social-democrats to participate in a revolutionary government would render such a government quite impossible and would thus be equivalent to a betrayal of the revolution. But the participation of the proletariat in a government is also objectively most probable, and permissible in principle, only as a dominating and leading participation. One may, of course, describe such a government as the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry, a dictatorship of the proletariat, peasantry and intelligentsia, or even a coalition government of the working class and the petty-bourgeoisie, but the question nevertheless remains: who is to wield the hegemony in the government itself, and through it in the country? And when we speak of a workers’ government, by this we reply that the hegemony should belong to the working class.

The ANC in the ANC-SACP-COSATU alliance, as an organ of the bourgeoisie dictatorship, was by no means composed of proletariat alone. There were so many leaders who belonged to the bourgeoisie background looking at the leadership of the ANC being the sons and daughters of the priests and chiefs; who had power over the people.

More than that—the bourgeoisie were in a minority in it; but the influence of the

This bourgeoisie outside the walls of the alliance, and the need for a determined policy in order to “save the country”, gave power into the hands of the ruling elite. Thus, while the alliance was a national representation, consisting of workers, peasants in civil society organs and the vast wavering centre known as the

“Veterans”, in essence it was a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

The ranks and file of the working class are lied to by the government propaganda that says “we are on your side”. They are being lied to by their leaders as well in the Cosatu federation that says “This government is the government of the workers by the workers and the workers should protect it”.

When we speak of a workers’ government we have in view a government in which the working-class representatives dominate and lead. The proletariat, in order to consolidate its power, cannot but widen the base of the revolution. Many sections of the working masses, particularly in the countryside, will be drawn into the revolution and become politically organized only after the advance-guard of the revolution, the urban proletariat, stands at the helm of state.

Revolutionary agitation and organization will then be conducted with the help of state resources. The legislative power itself will become a powerful instrument for revolutionizing the masses. The nature of our social-historical relations, which

lays the whole burden of the bourgeois revolution upon the shoulders of the proletariat, will not only create tremendous difficulties for the government but, in the first period of its existence at any rate, will also give it invaluable advantages.

In the case of South Africa the government that is led by the ANC is in no way closer being a “workers’ government” that the Cosatu federation wishes it to be.

According to the Department of Labour, 1 Feb 2015, there are 23 labour federations in South Africa. The biggest are Cosatu, Fedusa, Consawu and Nactu. By the second quarter of 2015, there were only 3.7 million trade union members of a total number of employed people of 15.7 million. This is a 23.6% unionisation rate. When we consider that 36 million are of the age 15-64 then the unionisation is at about 10%. Despite this, leadership of revolutionary uprisings have always been in the hands of a revolutionary vanguard, who step to the front and gives decisive leadership.  Cosatu is controlled by the SACP, although their membership and even that of the ANC, are only a fraction of the total membership.

Cosatu, despite its posture of independence, is the most integrated into the capitalist state, having provided a steady stream of Cabinet Ministers since 1994 up to now. Besides the ANC, the SACP has also provided a steady stream of Ministers and recently its current General Secretary is also Minister of Higher Education. Each affiliate of Cosatu has a network of SACP members who report to the state on activities and activists in the union.

The imperialists have been allowed to impose their attacks on the masses, except for the occasional symbolic actions (1 day strikes). GEAR, New Growth Path, and now the NDP, all plans of imperialism, have been implemented, with minor changes, thanks to the SACP holding back the organised masses in Cosatu. Virtually every general strike from 1985 to date has been spearheaded by Cosatu, even though the number of general strikes has been reduced drastically since 1994. More crucially, these strikes have been driven by the masses and curtailed and shortened by the SACP. How so?

Among, the most class conscious working class activists, in recent times, have been located in Numsa. The 2013 Numsa Special Congress made a call for Cosatu to break its alliance with the ANC and SACP and to take steps towards the establishment of a workers’ party. The expulsion of Numsa from Cosatu was a calculated move by the ANC and SACP to drive out the most critical and class conscious workers from the ranks of the federation. This was in order to keep Cosatu under the control of the ANC and SACP. The next attack was to dominate the media landscape, giving EFF and Agang and other small political formations voices in the media and shun the Numsa and the likes of WASP in the public domain. This is because of the class ideologies and Marxist rhetoric – which the capitalists are far more afraid if the ideas swell the ranks of the working class like wild fire.

Now, while the ANC and SACP thought that they defeated the class struggle politics in the Cosatu or workers federation in SA there are many students and workers’ struggles intensifying since 2014. The #Feesmustfall and #Outsourcingmustfall are the struggles that have got the ANC and SACP off guard. Surprised as they were they needed to instill trust 9the ANC in its conference after the 2016 local elections were it lost major metros to DA said ‘there is a trust deficit in the country from the ANC’ amongst the masses.

But while every bourgeois party commanding the votes of the peasantry hastens to use its power in order to swindle and deceive the peasants and then, if the worst comes to the worst, gives place to another capitalist party, the proletariat, relying on the peasantry, will bring all forces into play in order to raise the cultural level of the countryside and develop the political consciousness of the peasantry.

The #Feesmustfall in itself is a class conscious struggle. It represents the widest range of students across all the racial lines. White, coloured and black students and outsourced employees of universities coming together to say “enough is enough”, we need to destroy the system – of colonialism and exploitation.

Indeed, such a coalition presupposes either that one of the existing bourgeois parties commands influence over the peasantry (ANC and SACP) or that the peasantry will have created a powerful independent MOVEMENT of its own. The students’ movements, divided into the haves and the have not’s; its radicalism and formlessness as the Group of Toils is the expression of the contradictoriness in the revolutionary aspirations of the peasantry. The lack of independence on the part of

the student representatives will show itself with particular clearness at the moment when it becomes necessary to show firm initiative, that is, at the time when power has to pass into the hands of the revolutionaries.

South Africa is at the edge of the permanent revolution as the ruling class deploys its lithal forces against the proletariat, workers and students.

The expulsion of Numsa from Cosatu was to prevent the development of a new working class party which would have taken Cosatu as its base.

  1. The crackdown on #Feesmustfall and arrests of the student leaders to put a stoppage on the movement of students, to purge and overturn the class struggle and consciousness amongst the youth.

The bourgeoisie in the alliance (ANC in particular) exercises their share of influence in the Cosatu, SACP and Peasants’ Committees, the organs of the agrarian revolution in the villages, but needless to say the Peasants’ Committees, economic-administrative institutions, will not be able to abolish the political struggles for dependence of the country upon the town, which forms one of the fundamental features of modern society.






The African Gods have blessed us with the greatest gifts; the sons of Africa – Mr. Saxe Joiner (1823), Jemmy Cato (1702) and Mr. Steve Bantu Biko (1946) and then the whiteman lynched them.


Today, I woke up a powerful man full of African spirits. My Gods have visited me overnight and reminded me that today it is a big commemoration day – a day for the remembrance of the greatest gifts our ancestors have ever given to us.

I woke up in the morning and in my ears i could hear the sounds of African drums beating none stop. With the drum beats i could hear the voices of the elders singing and calling for the African sun to rise. I could hear the sounds of waters flowing in the rivers and the African bush birds singing “Rise Africa rise!”.

At a distance I saw two men approaching – it was two ghosts. They told me to wake up “It is a big day today“. They told me that I should remind every black man all over the world that African Gods have given us a greatest gifts – but the whiteman took them away.

They told me to tell the children that the Gods have blessed us. The Gods of Africa have given us the greatest gifts any humanity can ever get. But when the perils of evil influences – the whiteman heard that Africans have been blessed with the greatest gifts they emerged from the darkness and took them away.

These greatest gifts were Jemmy Cato, Saxo Joiner and Steve Biko.

They describe Steve Biko as a simple former student leader and the founder of the Black Consciousness Movement which was to empower and mobilize black population against an apartheid regime. But this African child was far beyond just that; he was a gift from the Gods to the African people.

Even though Biko was never a member of the ANC, the ANC has included him in the pantheon of struggle heroes, going as far as using his image for campaign posters in South Africa’s first non-racial elections in 1994. In that year, Nelson Mandela said of Biko: “They had to kill him to prolong the life of apartheid.” But Steve Biko was far beyond just a poster campaign boy to lure black people to vote for the new oppressor – to vote for RDPs, social grants and freebies while white people continue to prosper.

Biko wanted the world to know the gains Africans had made since the beginning of life, as well as their plight as second-class citizens in the continent of their birth. I likened Biko as Jemmy Cato who organised and led the Stono Rebellion (sometimes called Cato’s Conspiracy or Cato’s Rebellion). It was a slave rebellion that commenced on September 9, 1739, in the colony of South Carolina. It was the largest slave uprising in the British mainland colonies prior to the American Revolution.

Cato, like Biko, engaged in campaigns to consciountize the African slaves who were blinded and given up on ever freeing themselves from enslavement. He taught them about Pan-Africanist methodology in the absent of books and pens.

He passionately taught the slaves that there would be no white supremacy without black compliance. He insisted to them that they should organise underground to educate and re-educate other slaves, which they should not succumb to enslavement or give up the fight, that they should fight the system of enslavement to its bones. He taught the slaves that they are not a weaker race but a strong one – “that is why white people need us so much”. He said.

This uprising was led Cato and by other native Africans likely from the Kingdom of Kongo, which had been Catholic since 1491. Some of the Kongolese spoke Portuguese. Their leader, Jemmy Cato was a literate slave who led 20 other enslaved Kongolese, who may have been former soldiers, in an armed march south from the Stono River.

Cato and Biko have one thing in common; they did not care if they operate in the dangerous white dominated zones. They mobilized the least they could and built the revolution on from smaller base. They did not care if they get caught, they new that being caught is one of the risks. If got caught the slaves would wander why is he caught – the reason of getting caught is consciousness in itself.

Whoever thinks Biko must just be reduced to a poster figure is wrong. Biko was a threat to international white supremacy project. Another black slave who inspires me like Biko is Saxo Joiner who was lynched in 1744 for speaking with other slaves about their conditions in the plantations. Biko was also lynched for the very same reason – for speaking with the slaves.

This slave named Saxe Joiner was lynched in America in front of everyone. At the time, Saxe Joiner tried to assist the war efforts, but the way he did it infuriated white towns’ people and ultimately resulted in his death.

The lynching was actually used as a severe punishment for slaves. If a white person felt that a slave had committed a severe enough crime they were lynched. The act could have been as tedious as looking at a white woman or man in the eye, or not moving out the path of a white person fast enough or just organizing or speaking with other slaves about their conditions and so no.

Biko was lynched too for speaking with us – the slaves. He is not just a poster figure – he is our hero. Saxe Joiner, like Steve Biko fell victim to lynching – they were slaves who committed crime for speaking to us about us.

Joiner was an unmarried, semi-skilled carpenter in his mid-20s.  Although illegal at the time in South Carolina, Joiner had been taught to read and write. What got Joiner in trouble was that he did not hide the fact he could read and write. He wrote letters constantly.

Biko did not hide the fact that he could read and write too – he wrote books. And he got lynched for it. It is illegal for the black man to write black consciousness ideologies and speak about it. You will be lynched by the whiteman or be called a racist – it is lynching.

On Sunday morning, February 19, 1865, Joiner wrote a note to Martha Hix. He told Mrs. Hix not to “grieve” about the loss of her son – Martin Hix. Martin was shot in the head by his owner simply because Joiner has taught him how to read and write. Martin was caught by his owner with many written notes to his girlfriend Mavis. Joiner was caught and punished for it. He was not killed though because they heavily relied on Joiner’s skills in the plantations.

Joiner wrote many letters to other slaves about freedom and consciousness, but the problem was many slaves could not read. He then initiated a secret campaign; to teach other slaves how to read – an act of a serious crime which could result in the perpetrator being lynched if caught. By writing the letters, Joiner was behaving as a devoted slave should behave – to free himself and his people; first from mental slavery and then from total physical slavery. This is an act of Biko in the 70’s. He wrote books for us – the slaves to read and liberate ourselves.

Joiner did not stop his letter writing there. In jail he wrote a note to Miss Baldwin, telling her not to worry because he would protect her as well from his owner Brown Willies. Brown Willies raped and terrorized Miss Baldwin who was married to a deceased Gift Baldwin. Joiner wrote many letters to many slaves – comforting them and giving them the courage that one day things would be ok if they can learn the white man’s way. The act Steve Biko did in the 70’s when he was lynched.

Joiner was arrested for his work – for writing revolutionary letters to about 70 slaves. In many of his letters Joiner was disguising as “Mr. Martin”.

At approximately 9:00 P.M. on the night of March 15, 1865, an armed mob of white men wearing disguises and dressed in Confederate uniforms broke into the Unionville jail. The mob surged into Joiner’s cell after getting the keys, tied the prisoner up, and hauled him outside. Within moments, Joiner was dead hanging from the closest tree.

Steve Biko, Jemmy Cato and Saxo Joiner are one and the same – the gift from African Gods. They were all arrested and lynched by the whiteman.





African Mothers must stop to always reminding their black girls that you are born ugly and unwanted, so we should change how you look – change your hair and skin colour.

I am a father who does not get tired of teaching black mothers to love themselves and transfer that self love to their daughters. Looking at a black mother who always reminds her child that you are born ugly and unwanted, so we have to change your hair and skin colour – so as you can start to look somehow wanted is sickening.

This is a continuation of a colonial project anywhere in the world designed centuries ago by a whiteman – to make black mothers hate themselves. To make them hate their hair and skin colour, because if you achieve a goal of making the mothers hate themselves they will teach their children as well to hate themselves; to hate who they are how they look and their origin. This will go on and on for generations.

During slavery in the Americas in the 17th century, a pregnant mother was humiliated in public to make her unborn baby a humiliated child. The mother would be cursed and forced to work naked, often the master would kick the mother in the belly as a punishment to an unborn child.

Every morning and Sunday, our women today keeps polishing their black girls, burning their hair to look like Indians or Brazilians or whatever they think it is wanted colour – but not black. A child who was born black with a black natural hair whom her mother spends money at the salon every month to burn her hair – to look like not-naturally African is a continuation of slavery treatment to the child. A child has to change how she looks everyday before going to school and will grow with the mentality that I have to change myself before I go out – simply because I think I am ugly.

Can you imagine a fine black African woman spoiling that black taste with a Brazilian wick or Netherlands fake hair or skin lightener that makes her look like jelly fish? Well, she becomes somehow unoriginal.

Let us learn the power of self love. Self love pays, it develops confidence and repels oppression.

The Kru People: The Africans who vigilantly refused to be captured into Slavery. In the 16th and 17th century, there a tripe popularly know as the “Kuurung” by the slave traders, but it was the Kru. Kru people are indigenous to Liberia and the Ivory Coast. Kru were most known for seafaring and their strong resistance to capture by European enslavers in the Transatlantic slave trade. The Kru would fight vehemently and even take their own lives before surrendering to enslavement. Because of their tenacity, they were labeled as difficult and less valuable in the slave trade.

Apart from their strength in resistance, the Kru were known for their ability to effortlessly navigate the seas. Their skills in both canoeing and surfing the strong ocean currents brought upon much recognition which later afforded them work on British merchant and warships in the 1700s. Currently the Kru account for 7% of the Liberian population.

The Kru women did not change their hair; they did not submit to white supremacy or looked at them down. They stood tall and loved themselves to death.

The lesson is that if people comply with oppression they would be valuable to the oppressors. But if they refuse to comply with oppressive laws then the whole system would crush down because no one would want to continue.

“There can be no white supremacy without black compliance” – Malcolm X




In 1825, at the approximate age of eight, Jordan Anderson (sometimes spelled “Jordon”) was sold into slavery and would live as a servant of the Anderson family for 39 years. In 1864, the Union Army camped out on the Anderson plantation and he and his wife, Amanda, were liberated. The couple eventually made it safely to Dayton, Ohio when, in July 1865, Jordan received a message from his former owner, Colonel P.H. Anderson. The message kindly asked Jordan to return to work on the plantation because it had fallen into disarray during the war.

The letter from Jordan to the old master reads:

Dayton, Ohio,
August 7, 1865
To you Old Master, Colonel P.H. Anderson, Big Spring, Tennessee


I got your message that you’ll want me to come back work for you, and was glad to find that you had not forgotten me, and that you wanted me to come back and live with you again, promising to do better for me than anybody else can.

I have often felt uneasy about you. I thought the Yankees would have hung you long before this, for harboring Rebs they found at your house. I suppose they never heard about your going to Colonel Martin’s to kill the Union soldier that was left by his company in their stable.

Remember you shot at me twice before I left you? I did not want to hear of you, and am glad you are still living. It would do me good to go back to the dear old home again, and see Miss Mary and Miss Martha and Allen, Esther, Green, and Lee. Give my love to them all, and tell them I hope we will meet in the better world, if not in this. I would have gone back to see you all when I was working in the Nashville Hospital, but one of the neighbors told me that you intended to shoot me if you ever got a chance.

I want to know particularly what the good chance is you propose to give me. I am doing tolerably well here. I get twenty-five dollars a month, with victuals and clothing; have a comfortable home for Mandy,—the folks call her Mrs. Anderson,—and the children—Milly, Jane, and Grundy—go to school and are learning well. The teacher says Grundy has a head for a preacher. They go to Sunday school, and Mandy and me attend church regularly. We are kindly treated. Sometimes we overhear others saying, “Them colored people were slaves” down in Tennessee. The children feel hurt when they hear such remarks; but I tell them it was no disgrace in Tennessee to belong to Colonel Anderson. Many darkeys would have been proud, as I used to be, to call you master. Now if you will write and say what wages you will give me, I will be better able to decide whether it would be to my advantage to move back again.

As to my freedom, which you say I can have, there is nothing to be gained on that score, as I got my free papers in 1864 from the Provost-Marshal-General of the Department of Nashville. Mandy says she would be afraid to go back without some proof that you were disposed to treat us justly and kindly; and we have concluded to test your sincerity by asking you to send us our wages for the time we served you.

This will make us forget and forgive old scores, and rely on your justice and friendship in the future. I served you faithfully for thirty-two years, and Mandy twenty years. At twenty-five dollars ($25) a month for me, and two dollars ($2) a week for Mandy, our earnings would amount to eleven thousand six hundred and eighty dollars ($11600.80). Add to this the interest for the time our wages have been kept back, and deduct what you paid for our clothing, and three doctor’s visits to me, and pulling a tooth for Mandy, and the balance will show what we are in justice entitled to. Please send the money by Adams’s Express, in care of V. Winters, Esq., Dayton, Ohio. If you fail to pay us for faithful labors in the past, we can have little faith in your promises in the future. We trust the good Maker has opened your eyes to the wrongs which you and your fathers have done to me and my fathers, in making us toil for you for generations without recompense. Here I draw my wages every Saturday night; but in Tennessee there was never any pay-day for the negroes any more than for the horses and cows. Surely there will be a day of reckoning for those who defraud the laborer of his hire.

In answering this letter, please state if there would be any safety for my Milly and Jane, who are now grown up, and both good-looking girls. You know how it was with poor Matilda and Catherine. I would rather stay here and starve – and die, if it come to that – than have my girls brought to shame by the violence and wickedness of their young masters. They raped young girls everyday in front of me. You will also please state if there has been any schools opened for the colored children in your neighborhood. The great desire of my life now is to give my children an education, and have them form virtuous habits.

Say howdy to George Carter, and thank him for taking the pistol from you when you were shooting at me.

From your old servant,

Jordon Anderson


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I was born original. I am was born a God. I am not a hunter for a God. I am God myself. When i prays i pray for God that is me. I do not prays a God form Nazareth or Jerusalem or Bethlehem. I am not religious but I am spiritual. I do not follow a pattern of believe. I follow my own spirit – an African God gave me life.

I was born a believer but not religious. I am spiritual and not a follower. I live as a God and God is in me. I have no God of Nazareth or Jerusalem or Bethlehem in me, but i am a God of Africa. I am God of all humanity and in my veins flows the blood of kindness and of Ubuntu.

I am original – the creation of all civilisation. Unlike the so called “Civilised race” I am original and I do not prays money but a lion – it is my totem. I live and breathe peace. I am the creation of the civilised world, I am an original. My God is circle!

I am black, an original soul. All colours in the universe are derivative form of blackness, even humanity is originally black. My heart and my universe are round. Everything around me is in circle – a sun, moon, earth, my house, kraal and the plate where i eat from is in circle – my God is a circle.

I am an original. I worship my circle – it is my life. I seat in circle, i worship in circle and dance in circle. I  make fire and we all seat in circle – i am a God of a circle. I do not look up in the skies when I call my God – an African God. I kneel down in circle because my God is underneath, not in the heavens – the heavens do not exist. I pray earth and earth is round – a circle.

I am original. When I die I will be buried in circle. I will find my Gods seated in circle. In the after life I will join my blood line. I am spiritual and not religious. I cannot follow the pattern of believe because I am God myself.

The God that cursed the race that have destroyed its castles build in circles – for he shall remain the only God. I am God, I am black and I am original.

I am me, i am original and i am my own God – the only God of a circle!