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African Wedding Traditions and Customs. You may have heard of “jumping the broom.” It is a tradition stemming back to the days of slavery when slaves were forbidden from marrying. … In modern ceremonies, couples jump over a broom, often decorated with ribbon and tulle, after they’re pronounced married.


Since marriage in African culture is considered the official joining of two families, a large emphasis is placed on getting family permissions and blessings before the wedding. In Ghana, the groom requests permission through the custom of “knocking on the door.


Buy let me feel on the importance of having a cow slaughtered in African weddings. Some prepare a goat instead of a cow. But in Southern African traditions a cow sacrificed for couples in very important.


What do you know about a cow slaughtered at the wedding? In Pedi culture slaughtering a cow has four important functions other than to feed the people who are at the wedding:


1. The right front leg of a cow is removed very carefully from its joint, it is meant to be shared by married females of the clan. This leg has to have a joint at hip simplifying the purity of the bride. Without this joint the women would refuse to cut the leg and would not accept the bride as one of them.


2. We also take what we call Moruta. This is a combination of some intestines, stomach and meat removed from the back of a cow. This package is given to an anti or your guardianship in a groom’s immediate family.


3. From the left ribs of this cow we remove only 7 rips. The first 3 rips are cut in half and should remain still attached to other 7. We also take a 9 kg bucket of traditional beer. This combination is taken to the chief to inform him if the wedding. The chief accept this gift and shares it with the elders.


4. When we finished cooking the meat we take the feet and head of this cow to the elders who are seated under the tree. They feast on this meat as a way of blessing the groom and bride into their matrimony.


No wonder people cheat on each other or even worse they divorce each other. In African traditions there is Nonsuch thing as a divorce. Marriage is to unite not only two people, a groom and bride, but to unite the entire two families. That is divorce is often impossible in African marriages. It is believed that when the couple did not follow their traditions during their wedding and the Gods will not bless their matrimony. Africans should practice and follow these traditions and receive these African blessings from the Gods. The Gods will never forsake their marriages that lasted for generations.


The Hanging of the Lewis Brothers, 1774.



Arab and European enslavement and colonialisation of Africans not only underpopulated Africa but underdeveloped and disorganised the institutions that existed in Africa before Europeans came in Africa.

This article is not about how the slave masters who hanged the Lewis brothers carried out their wicked actions towards these brothers, but the reason behind why they hanged them – most educated and clever slaves.


Many things remain uncertain about the slave trade and its consequences for Africa. One of the uncertainties concerns the basic question of how many Africans were imported and which ones exactly were imported. This has long been an object of speculations, with estimates ranging from a few millions to get hundreds on millions. We all know who wrote this history that we read, we all know how European propaganda works. European scholars who are apologists for the capitalist system and its long record of brutality in Europe and abroad want us to believe that only few millions were taken abroad as slaves and hundred of millions remained to be colonised later in Africa. This is partly true. They claim much arthrocities occurred in Africa on both sides during colonial battles with African tribes than in Europe during the period of Trans-Atlantic slave trade. They do not want to talk of the lynchings and shootings of clever Africans who resisted capture here in Africa and who rebelled against slavery in Europe – but they speak of African colonialism and its effects as if the only things wrong they did to Africans was that they colonised their land and people’s.In order to white wash the European slave trade, they find it convenient to start by minimising the numbers concerned and avoid to explain which types of Africans they did lynch by whipping and which types they did hang and beheaded. The truth is they took clever Africans; doctors, engineers, teachers, artists and so on to Europe and when they arrived in Europe they forced them into forced labour to perform what they have been performing in Africa for European development. When they refused or someone rebelled against their masters or refused to take orders they where hanged or beheaded. Those who obeyed became lucrative business and they traded them for huge profits; to trade in these skilled slaves became a lucrative enterprise and more of these were needed. Many of those who were hanged were the slaves that could not read and write, and those who could interpret road signs and calendars were regarded as moderate ones. Those ones that have learned the other way through working for their kingdoms and institutions in Africa and refuse to work under slavery became very dangerous components to the white supremacists and capitalist systems. However, the illiterate ones or those who posed no threats to the establishments were whipped and tortured when they disobeyed orders until they submit to their masters. But the other were lynched to death, hanged and beheaded.


The truth is that any figure of Africans imported into the Americas is narrowly based on the survival records (those who have made it th through hundreds of kilometers through the Atlantic ocean) and is bound to be very low, because there were so many people who were smuggling slaves and without holding data. Just like the global immigration crisis where people crossing Mediterranian into Europe and from Libya are estimated to be 200,000 which the reality is that the number is three times this estimate. Nevertheless, if the low figure of 10 million was accepted as a basic for evaluating impact of slaving of Africans as a whole, the conclusions that could legitimately be drawn would be wrong. Slavery existed from 1445 until 1870s; in Asia and Europe or the Americas, and it’s effects are still felt to this day in the 21st century. Africans are still feeling the smells of guns fired by the slave traders and colonial settlers. The destructions of African institutions during this period of slavery (15th and 16th centuries) and then during colonialism (17th and 18th centuries) were Africans scattered over the continent hiding in pockets and unaccessible areas, far away from ports of trades, because of fear of capture and colonialism underdeveloped Africa. The effects are still felt 400 years on after these events have occurred.


Not only slavery involved those who had survived, if 10 million have made it into slavery in Europe how many have died in the sea? How many as well have been killed in Africa during capture? And how many have died within enslavement in Europe? The figure would be in their tens of millions. The 10 million that is recorded is a dodgy number, but the estimate should be at over 200,000 million if one has to answer these questions. These were the people taken away from Africa; died and or slaved. There were numerous deaths in Africa during time of capture and time transportation of slaves. In fact, 10 million that the records says had made it into Europe as slaves one would oppose this number looking at those who been killed on arrivals and during Rebellions when they tried to escape or disobey their masters nor organise themselves. No wonder the slave traders continued to demand more slaves from Africa because those who had made it (10 million) were slaughtered and shortages of more slaves thereof as a result.


This 200 million that I estimated, was the African labour force taken away from African population for Africa’s development politically and economically. This massive loss to the African labour force was made more critical because it was composed of able-bodied young !men and females. Slave buyers preferred their victims between the ages of 15 and 35, and preferably in the early 20s, sex ration being two men to one woman. Europeans accepted younger African children, but rarely any older person. They shipped the most healthy and skilled whenever possible, taking the ones that the local merchants are familiar with their skills and level of education.


The Lewis brothers, came from a business background, were captured in Bernin in the 1760s and were able to reach the Americas by 1761. They were four, and were never sold separately because of their skills in wood work and carpentry. They worked in the Bernin Royal house as carpenters when they were captured. They decorated the Royal houses so beautiful that the Portuguese armies stole their artefacts when they stormed the monarch and destroyed the Bernin empire in the 18th century. The slave buyers wrestled to buy them immediately after they heard of their story. Arriving in Europe very young and scared the four brothers worked wonders with their carpentry skills and became the most expensive slaves in Europe. They were sold from one slave to the other until they decided to invent their own underwater ship. Working at the comfort of STeel manufacturing company in Mausiory county, the four decided to build a secret escape ship; small enough to fit in and their house until it is completed. They combined wood, metals, plastics and some engineering to allow air to flow in and out of the ship. For about 3 months they were able to complete the underwater ship. They knew that they would be sold to another master sooner than later and if they do not build the ship right away they would be caught. So they worked night shifts to construct this ship.


When their master and other guards were away on a hunting trip the pair escaped on their ship. They made it until a lake nearby and were able to reach another 300 kilometres away from where they were kept. However, they were caught and because of their invention – underground ship, the pair where not murdered but jailed. They were sold to another slave master who traded in building ships, forced to define the ship that they were traveling on. After they had designed the ship the state government was impressed with their invention and suggested that the pair be hanged because if they escape and reach African they would be very dangerous to America’s.


May be, i mean may be, this is a story of a black four who invented a submarine. Until to this day the story of the Lewis Brothers remain a secret and unknown to the world. The story must be told to the world that slavery was a depopulation, underdevelopment and under-skilling of Africans for over 400 years and should be reversed. May be apply Newton’s Their Law; Action and Reaction..



The Trekkers or Boers as well are guilty of capture and enslavement of Africans the same way as the British and Americans. The Boer society equally owes African societies reparation. First, they took their land and later they took their children into enslavement between 1845 and 1880.
We often learned about the laws introduced in Europe in the 18th century allowing Europeans to hunt and capture Africans and force them into unpaid labour – in plantations and domestic economies. But we never learned of the laws that allowed the Trekkers or Boer society to hunt and capture Africans into enslavement right here in Southern Africa. This is what I seek to expose below.
During the Great Trek; the migration of the Dutch speaking settlers, who travelled by wagon from Cape Colony into the interior of Transvaal from 1836 onwards, seeking to live beyond the Cape’s British colonial administration, established the first community of Trekkers in Ohrigstad in 1845 founded east of Steelpoort river. The first Trekkers to settle in the area were the followers of Andries Hendrick Potgieter. Potgieter moved from Mooi River in the eastern Transvaal to the land that the Boer society today occupied to the north of Lydenburg which they claim was “empty”. They were joined later by other Trekkers from Natal. However, there were three reasons why the Trekkers left the British colonies into the eastern Transvaal:
One – they preferred the ports of trade under the Portuguese rather than the British control;
Two – there were abundance of animals for game with elephants as the main attractions for ivory and,
Third – the British administration have abolished slavery to paid labour.
Along the route to their new settlements from Cape Colony the Trekkers clashed with African societies already living in those areas; the Pedi kingdom under chief Sekwati, Kopa kingdom under Boleu and Ndzunza Ndebele under Mabogo clashed with these Trekkers en route to their new settlements. By that time the three kingdoms (Pedi, Kopa and Ndebele) were in a struggle against the Swazi kingdom under Mswati that wrestled them over the land in the eastern Transvaal. This land in question was very fertile, abundance with water and animals. The Trekkers, arriving there in 1845, occupied this land under the pretext that the Swazi kingdom sold them the land – Ohrigstad. This land was riven with conflict from the beginning.
These Pedi kingdom did not confront the Trekkers for this land but refused to accept their claims. Sekwati claimed the land to be belonging to him. For over 10 years in fear of Mswati’s retaliations and attacks if they take the land from the Trekkers the three kingdoms adopted a silent approach. The Trekkers, under the A.H. Potgieter and J.J. Burger established an administrative body known as Volksraad with Potgieter as the president. In that period they established strong military defence system with arms purchased and supplied by Holland and the British. The Volksraad introduced a system that each burgher or citizen who participated in the Trek must be given a portion of land to settle and to farm. The farmers, however, had to secure labour as well as animals to breed. By that time the neighbouring African societies under Sekwati, Mabogo and Boleu were unable to hunt animals on this land. They avoided this land as long as possible. The Trekker settlers enjoyed and profited from the abundance of this African land; they traded and supplied crops, ivory and animal skin in the Cape Colony and Natal and as far as in Mozambique.
The discovery of Gold and Diamond in Southern Africa and the increase in population in the mining areas in the late 1870s in the western Transvaal changed the game. The Trekker farmers needed more outputs which led to more demand for labour supply. However, the neighbouring African societies did not associate themselves with the Trekkers in fear of Mswati. They avoided them at all costs. Their kings ordered that there should be no interactions with the Trekkers as any form of misunderstanding might tricker another war with Mswati, a Swazi kingdom chief, which they avoided. Both the Pedi and Kopa kingdoms have had a bad experience with the Swazi kingdom in a battle that was fought earlier in 1840s. The policy of the Swazi, Kopa and Pedi kingdoms exercised a “non-confrontation”.
The Trekkers needed labour but they could not persuade the neighbouring African societies to work for them. The Pedi, Kopa and Ndebele kingdoms were able to send their subjects to work in the mines in Natal and Cape. The movement of migrant labourers under these chiefdoms was only towards the Natal and Cape. A.H. Potgieter and his government introduced the law that would assist in the acquisition of labour from the neighbouring societies. The first law was that African chiefs must be forced to supply labour to the Boer society and the second law was that the Volksraad must secure labour from migrants in the British colonies who wish to live within the Boer societies in Transvaal.
The first one failed as the chiefs of all the neighbouring African societies put impossible demands forward before any labour could be supplied to the Boer society. The first demand, which was common in all kingdoms, was that while some were prepared undertake periods of labour in exchange for cattle and commodities they also demanded supply of arms and ammunitions in exchange of labour. These demands were, however, both in short supply to the settlers and relatively expensive. Moreover, the monopoly of European arms and ammunition were not to be put in the hands of Africans, they were important basis of their power.
The alternatives open to these settlers were thus either to break with the past and restructure the nature of their own society by relying on family labour, or to resort to securing a supply of labour from surrounding African societies – which was impossible at that time. However, since the later course was a preferred option but impossible another form was introduced – the capture and enslavement of African children and young women. The Volksraad introduced this law to capture and enslave African children as a form of securing labour for the Boer economy. The Boer hunting parties began to raid neighbouring African societies and captured children and young women. These hunting parties, armed with rifles on horse backs, harassed these African societies for nearly four decades (1848 until 1881). They captured African children and young women and forced them into labour in their farms and households. These African children were captured and indentured to their masters until adulthood; the age of 21 in the case of females and 25 in case of males. This method played a vital role in the Boer labour force. This method of enslavement, by law, was first introduced in the Cape Colony in 1775 and 1812 which allowed for the indenturing of Khoikhoi and slave children. The social reality which had informed these laws was that by the end of 18th century, the enslavement of Khoikhoi children was widespread, and captive particularly those taken by commandos launched to exterminate Bushmen.
The Boer society adopted these methods as well in Transvaal; to capture and enslave African children. These child slaves were called Inboekselings in Dutch. They taught females the skills to meet Boer household requirements and needs for domestic labour. The males were taught the skills such as riding horses, fixing wagons and loading and repairing guns. Most that have grown up above the required ages as inboekselings were put in farms as farm labourers. As these children grew up, they learned the various skills required of them. Ideally, they would become bound to Boer society by ties of culture, family and skill. Soon the Boer society established a new form of trade; they traded in these African children.
As the Ohrigstad settlers’ demands for labour grew so was the demand for child captives. This kind of business became a booming business in the first 10 years of its legalization. The Swazi kingdom was very active in this form of trade. They raided African societies under Kopa and captured many of children and women and sold them to the Boers in 1871. This made Kopa to seek refuge under Pedi kingdom that had equal military power as Swazi kingdom. Other neighbouring kingdoms established military defence systems to guard their territories. They introduced armed vigilante groups to patrol their land night and day to secure their children and animals. The Pedi kingdom under Sekwati attacked a camp of 12 Boer hunters on his land in 1854 in which all hunters were murdered. This led to the retaliation by the Volksraad against Sekwati in the same year but was defeated. This harassment of African societies carried on for long enough.
After Sekhukhune became a king in 1861 of the Pedi kingdom after his father’s, Sekeati, death he aimed to stop all the Boers’ menaces to capture and trade in African children once and for all. He sent many young men to Natal and Cape Colony to work in the mines. The money earned were taxed and used to buy European arms and ammunition in Delequa and from Mozambique government under Portuguese administration. He also sent many young men to volunteer to work for the Boers and then steal their guns and learn how to build wagons. Through these he was able to build a strong army in the area more powerful to defeat the Swazi kingdom in 1875. In 1876 the ZAR republic attacked Sekhukhune but they were defeated in a battle that lasted for 4 months. After this battle many African tribes who were not under Pedi domain sought refuge under Sekhukhune. Sekhukhune wrote a letter to Potgieter ordering him to return the captives and stop the capture of African children at once or face war. Potgieter wrote a letter to Holland and Queen Elizabeth seeking assistance and protection. We do not know if the war of 1879 in which Sekhukhune was defeated by an alliance of 9 states were as a result of this plea by Potgieter.
The Pedi kingdom did not stop the capture and trade in children in the area, but they have slowed it down. Until to this day the remnants of Inboekselings are found living in Boer territories in Lydenburg, Margalisburg and Middleburg. The Boers must return the land and pay for the reparations of hundred years old scars of capture and enslavement of African children.



What It Means to ‘Throw The Bones’ in African Culture? Learn of the life of a 108 African healer who lived to heal.

Based on an underlying set of principles and predating the Ice Age, traditional healing is arguably the oldest form of structured medicine. Traditional healers (sangomas) are still highly regarded in various societies around the world. They embody the role of healthcare provider, counselor, psychologist and even priest.
In South Africa, more than 60% of the population consults traditional healers. In fact there are something like 200 000 traditional healers in South Africa compared to around 25 000 Western – trained doctors.
Sangoma is the term often loosely applied to all types of traditional healers in South Africa. The word comes from the Zulu language (a people living predominantly in Kwazulu Natal). There are two main types of traditional healer. The first is the sangoma or ngaka in Northern Sotho who is concerned with divination. The second is the inyanga or moalafi in Northern Sotho who works with medicines made from plants and animals. Owing to western influences throughout the ages the distinction between the two has become somewhat blurred.
My grand mother, Mathabathe Mabine Mmetoane, who passed away on the 13 August 2017 at the age of 108 (born 1909 and died 2017) was one such moalafi or inyaka. Her husband, Mabine Phaahla Mmetoane, who passed away in 1999 at the age of 103 was a ngaka or sangoma who used bones for divinity and healing. Both of them were popular among the communities nearby and represented what the true African healing was all about.
Mathabathe Mabine Mmetoane was a specialist in infants sicknesses. She has been practicing this profession for over 80 years since she was married to Mabine Mmetoane in the 1930s. She diagnosed newborns for unforeseeable ailments or infections that could affect a child in adulthood. In a case of serious situations she would prepare a special muti or herb made of plans and concoction of roots powder, soil, river water and some blood from the infant’s forehead, mixed together to form a medicine. This is to relieve children from infantry and future headaches and other brain ailments
A muti or herb was also prepared to relieve a mother from affecting the baby during breastfeeding; mixture of mother’s milk, some ashes of burned leaves mixed with water for the mother to drink. This ritual is practiced early in the morning before the sun rise. Once the sun rises and this mixture is not yet ready the mother would have to return the next day for the ritual.
Babies were prohibited to leave their mothers’ site in the first 3 months except in situations were a mother has to take the baby or go to the healer or a clinic for consultations. After a baby is brought home after birth there should be a sign that there is a new baby born in the family. It was a requirement that a stick made of a particular tree (often a tree that were used to make tools for domestic use) put at the entrance as a sign that there is a new baby born in the family. This is to prevent those who might affect or disturb the baby’s well-being. Those who were prevented to enter the house were the new baby born is placed are:
1. Women who are on their menstruations, or/and who have aborted babies recently without being healed,
2. All males and females who have just attended burial proceedings or who have been inside the cemetery yards,
3. Men who were involved in the slaughter of animals recently,
4. Men who have been in the presence of many people in either gatherings,
5. Drunk or intoxicated people.
These were some of the prohibits that African herbalists, spiritual leaders and doctors taught within African societies.
Mathabathe Mabine Mmetoane was an expert on all these practices. No wonder her and husband lived over 100 years. She rejected any notion that African medicines are not working. However, she always lamented that in case of lack of proper use or ill-discipline by a practitioner such medicines would not work and often leads to fatal consequences, including passing of patients.
She always taught me that the Gods have given us the soil, animals and all the plants around us to use to heal ourselves when we are sick, hungry or disturbed. Her philosophy was that if it was not for the trees around us we could have been dead by now. It is the trees and animals around us that keeps us alive. We breath them, we eat them and we should embrace and take good care of them.
As a traditional healer, Mathabathe, remains popular among mothers as she specialised in infants. Many of us have passed through her hands. The nurses in the 1990s and early 2000s at Ga-Nchabeleng clinic used to reference their patients to this African healer when they could not diagnose or heal certain ailments in babies. With their African knowledge, their science and their bravery there were no amount of ailment that is outside their profession. Many walked home with their children crying but in two to three days they come back to thank the greatest of African healers.
Money or property did not matter to these great giants. In the 1980s Mathabathe and her husband Mabine charged only a 5 litres of traditional beer for a healing. So when you bring a baby or child or a patient to them you bring a 5 litres of traditional beer. They would share this payment with the rest of the community who indulge in traditional beer the whole day. In case of a long treatment where a patient is totally healed they charged only a live goat which as well would be slaughtered and shared with the rest of the community.
When this methods of payments were no longer possible because of the reduction in subsistence farming and crops and animal shortages began in the late 1990s, they demanded only R5.00 for a child or a small bag of mealies as a consultation fee. Mathabathe never increased her charge of only R5.00 until she was convinced by her great-grandchildren in 2015 to increase this price to only R10.00 per patient. She was not happy, however, she accepted it. A mother would buy and bring her own new razers and a small bottle of anti- infectants or what we know as spirits.
Because she became ill and frail Mathabathe had to look for a successor. She did not want to teach her off springs immediately, her children. She said “taking the responsibilities as a healer requires that you become more disciplined human being or you might end up killing people”. She refused to teach for the reason that the current generations are not disciplined and are after money. She told me one day that teaching us these medicines would be equal to teaching us how to kill others  for money.
She waited and waited until she was 100 years old. She began to teach 8 years ago. Since she lived with one of her daughters, she preferred to teach her. At the age of 70s she saw it necessary that her daughter is suitable, then began to teach her all this science and spirituality. However she did not teach her all. She told her that the e rest will be brought by the ancestors as a gift once she passes the tests.
It is in this regard that we prays Mathabathe ‘a Phaahla ‘a Ngwato. We say rest in peace and tell the ancestors that we need rain!
She leaves 3 children, 24 grandchildren, 44 great-grandchildren and 4 great-great-grandchildren. And for all, she lives tens of thousands of people who are without a healer.


<> on March 14, 2014 in Paraty, Brazil.

We want our dignity back, we want our land. We cannot live in these farms owned by Canadians in our homeland. It means we have borrowed life from  a Canadian” – Msuzi We Ndlizioyo.

The winds of revolution are once again blowing over the African continent. From Burkina Faso to South Africa, Congo to Mali, from Burundi to Zimbabwe, we have seen a new radicalisation of the workers and the youth and the rise of mass movements that have challenged corrupt capitalist regimes in one country after another.

As part of this revolutionary re-awakening, many radical anti-capitalist imperialist figures are being rediscovered, like Mametlwe Sebei (WASP), Irvin Jim (Numsa) , Julius Malema (EFF), and, indeed, the entire #Feesmustfall movement leadership. We have seen the likes of Andile Mxitama who is one of the greatest Black Consciousness Movement theoreticians emerging from the underneath with movements such as Land First Black First. Some of these revolutionaries emerge from PAC, BCM and some would emerge from the convulsive decades of ANC led liberation movement.

The ANC led revolutionary movement’s legacy as an anti-apartheid movement and as emerged after 1994 carrying the hopes of the millions of black people should be recovered and the revolutionary edge of this movement thought sharpened to arm the new South African revolutionary vision – LAND LAND LAND!!!

In between 2011 and 2013, i have lived in one of the farming areas in Sekhukhune region called Marble Hall near Groblersdal. It is an Afrikaaner dominated small and traditional town. In this town the remnants of Afrikaaner cultures could still be noticed there and there. The shops there are mainly owned by Afrikaaner families who still own the land around and the farms at the outskirts of the town. If you see a black person walking on the street in this town it is either a maid, a shop keeper or a farm worker to a white man.

Inside the farms nearby there are black families that are still living under servitude conditions. Besides there are one or two schools, hostel like shelters and mobile clinics in these farms the families there are unmanageable and fragmented; alcohol and drug abuse and STD’s related illnesses are the command of their lives day-by-day. Death as a result of health illnesses is common and not worrying to some white farm owners. Violence within these families and between families as a result of alcohol and drug abuses is as well the way of life in these dwellings.

The children in these farms attend school until grade 10 and then drop out to work in the farms. This is simply because their parents comes from Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola and elsewhere, and do not have proper documentations to enable their children to further their careers in universities or colleges, either do they have knowledge of such. Their parents do not have banking accounts nor have ID documents to support their children in accessing further opportunities outside the farming life.

At one incidence where one of the girls living in this farm was punished for buying clothes at a shop in town that is not preferred by the farm owner, I was lucky enough to have been briefed about it. I have learned as well that, in fact, they are not allowed to go shopping outside the farms for the food. Even at month end they are dictated to by liquor only at the selected bottle stores preferred by the farm owners – at the white owned shops in town.  The only mode of transport to town is the bus owned by one of the Afrikaaner tycoons in town – their buddy Alfred.

At these farms it is common for a 15 years old girl to fall pregnant and then go live with a stay-in lover in a make shift house at the nearby farm. After the girl picks a boyfriend who happen to be somewhat 30 years older a shabby wedding can be arranged in a week and so.

It is also a tradition that new arrivals that come to work at these farms must practice a ritual which says older men must pick nice women first before anyone else. Remember, in these farms there are arrivals of hundreds of “illegal” or what the system calls “Aliens” refugees who winged out of their countries for economic or political reasons. They make their final journeys at these farms where they are employed at the cheap rate. Vulnerable and exhausted the young women would settle for anything that could relieve them of their sufferings; abuse and exploitation of these young women by older men who are already working at these farms is communal.

All these continue to put more and more of our people at risk of circles of HIV/AIDS infections and health ills and deaths. The SA borders are opened only for these bad things to happen on a daily basis to our people by our people. Black people cross the borders looking for better lives in SA, only to be subjected to the life of a slave under the what so-called democratic government. This is a horrible government for any black man crossing the borders into SA. The ANC policies on local government, since it came in to power, reflect two horrible factors:

1 – Majority of black people who are at the lowest levels should be given the left-overs of the few upper rich class, which are whites. Should this arise at a crisis point for the whites the majority of black people’s needs should be compromised to preserve the domination of the white minority. Often to avoid pissing off the masters in Europe who have economic policy pacts with the ANC.

  1. Use all methods available to stay in power and never pass the laws that demand the total expropriation of the land, nationalization of the commanding heights of economy and retain minority rights not to make the masters mad: As this might tricker the US intelligence (CIA), British intelligence (Mi16) and Israel terrorist wing (ISIL) to call for regime change using their most effective tools in SA – corporate media.

History is not beautiful, and let us look into it briefly.

In Agriculture, during the colonial period, British companies set up plantations in the best agricultural areas in South Africa and other parts of the region. These plantations concentrated on cash crops such as sugar and tobacco, to sell in the region and for export to Europe and later the U.S. These plantations thrived on cheap African labor, as well as imported Indian contract workers.

In the post-World War II period, these plantations became multinational agribusinesses, with mainly British but also U.S. capital. They not only expanded and mechanized the plantation system, but also developed associated processing industries. They continued to sell their products in South Africa, the rest of the region and abroad.

The wages of the non-white agricultural laborers were even much lower than those of the mining and manufacturing workers. Also, the mechanization of agriculture led to increasing unemployment, pushing many of these workers back into the already overcrowded labor reserves. The system as well was used to dehumanize African black labourers in the farms, pushing them to go look for employment in the mining and manufacturing which was very overcrowded. The struggle to free African labourers and the return of their land which was heavily taken by the whiteman for agricultural was propelled forward somewhere in the 1950s.

This was championed by the formation of Pan-Africanist Congress. The PAC’s ideological roots were laid in Africanist views of Anton Lembede. The PAC born from ANC through the 1950s finally parted company when Potlako Leballo, Robert Sobukwe and others formed the PAC on April 6-7, 1959.

Sobukwe assumed the major leadership role until his death in 1978. He was greatly influenced by George Padmore, the West Indian former communist, who had been expelled from the international communist movement. His writings and speeches reflected the Pan-Africanist views current at the time calling for a united Africa made up of free and independent states, of which South Africa would be one.

 We need to build a mass movement that gives support to the revolutionary movement of the Azanian people.

The PAC was the first to put forward the name Azania for a free and independent Black republic in South Africa. The name was further popularized by the Black Consciousness groups during the 1970s. There is no evidence that this name was ever used historically to refer to any specific area. It was rather derived from Bantu languages, Arabic and the history of East Africa and the migration south of its people.

In the spirit of the PAC, particularly on land question, as Azanians and our international alliances we should mobilise the entire society; “The PAC made it clear that, contrary to the views expressed in attacks from the ANC and SACP, it was not chauvinist. It rejected multi-racialism, considering this a concession to European bigotry and a safeguarding of white privileges.”

The PAC held that the struggle in South Africa was for the repossession of African land from the foreign settlers. Anyone who expressed loyalty to Africa and was prepared to accept the democratic rule of the African majority was welcomed to be a part of the independent African state.

The Pan-Africanists insisted that white supremacy had to be destroyed if apartheid was to end. To them, part of this process included destroying the idea that Blacks could not lead themselves and that it was alright to have white leadership as long as it was “left” or liberal. While standing on this principle, they recruited Indians and some white militants to join their ranks.

Seeing the sufferings of the people in the farms, on their land, by the whiteman and his systems it is time for the Africans to rebuild the spirit of PAC, take their land and then determine if they change the name. The people of South Africa will ultimately determine what they will call their country. Until that time, we uphold the name Azania because of its implication of self-determination and national liberation.

No whiteman, in our showers or in our government, would determine what have to be done to the people in Marble Hall living in those farms under the system architecture by the whiteman himself. It is only the government of the Africans by the Africans that can liberate those people that I have witnessed in Marble Hall and elsewhere in South Africa.

This democracy has been built on the injustices of the black race. The ANC and its masters in Europe entered into a pact that forced injustices on the black race. The land belonged to the Africans in Africa, not other race. What has been build on injustice is unjust.

Izwe lethu!!!



We have witnessed the developments in the alliance (ANC-SACP-Cosatu) and how Cosatu and SACP have been deceived by the ANC bourgeoisie bloc to collapse workers’ unity in order to implement capitalist policies freely. We have witnessed how the capatalists have teamed up with the ANC leaders to purge the likes of Zwelinzima Vavi and Numsa leadership in general. We have witnessed how Marikana occurred and how the system works to undermine justice in the name of “commissions”.

However, the struggle for Socialism requires struggles for students and workers unity in action. Let us turn to the Fourth Congress of the Third International, the thesis on Communist work in trade unions:

“Despite the fierce anti-Communist witch-hunts being stirred up everywhere by the reformists, we must continue to fight for the slogan of the Communist International – against the splitting of the trade unions – with the same militancy with which we have fought for it up till now. The reformists are trying to use expulsions to provoke a split. Their aim in systematically driving the best elements out of the unions is to make the Communists lose their patience and nerve, so that instead of completing their carefully thought-out plan to win the trade unions from within, the Communists will leave the unions and come out in favour of a split”.’ (Comintern, 1921).

In Leon Trotsky’s article; Permanent Revolution & Results and Prospects, we have learned that in the event of a decisive victory of the revolution, power will pass into the hands of that class which plays a leading role in the struggle—in other words, into the hands of the proletariat. Let us say at once that this by no means precludes revolutionary representatives of non-proletarian social groups entering the government. They can and should be in the government: a sound policy will compel the proletariat to call to power the influential leaders of the urban petty-bourgeoisie, of the intellectuals and of the peasantry.

The whole problem consists in this: who will determine the content of the government’s policy, who will form within it a solid majority?

 It is one thing when representatives of the democratic strata of the people enter a government with a workers’ majority, but it is quite another thing when representatives of the proletariat participate in a definitely bourgeois-democratic government in the capacity of more or less honoured hostages.

The policy of the liberal capitalist bourgeoisie, in all its wavering’s, retreats and treacheries, is quite definite. The policy of the proletariat is even more definite and finished. But the policy of the intellectuals, owing to their socially intermediate character and their political elasticity; the policy of the peasantry, in view of their social diversity, their intermediate position and their primitiveness; the policy of the urban petty-bourgeoisie, once again owing to its lack of character, its intermediate position and its complete lack of political tradition—the policy of these three social groups is utterly indefinite, unformed, full of possibilities and therefore full of surprises.

It is sufficient to try to imagine a revolutionary democratic government without representatives of the proletariat to see immediately the senselessness of such a conception, the exploitation. The refusal of the social-democrats to participate in a revolutionary government would render such a government quite impossible and would thus be equivalent to a betrayal of the revolution. But the participation of the proletariat in a government is also objectively most probable, and permissible in principle, only as a dominating and leading participation. One may, of course, describe such a government as the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry, a dictatorship of the proletariat, peasantry and intelligentsia, or even a coalition government of the working class and the petty-bourgeoisie, but the question nevertheless remains: who is to wield the hegemony in the government itself, and through it in the country? And when we speak of a workers’ government, by this we reply that the hegemony should belong to the working class.

The ANC in the ANC-SACP-COSATU alliance, as an organ of the bourgeoisie dictatorship, was by no means composed of proletariat alone. There were so many leaders who belonged to the bourgeoisie background looking at the leadership of the ANC being the sons and daughters of the priests and chiefs; who had power over the people.

More than that—the bourgeoisie were in a minority in it; but the influence of the

This bourgeoisie outside the walls of the alliance, and the need for a determined policy in order to “save the country”, gave power into the hands of the ruling elite. Thus, while the alliance was a national representation, consisting of workers, peasants in civil society organs and the vast wavering centre known as the

“Veterans”, in essence it was a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

The ranks and file of the working class are lied to by the government propaganda that says “we are on your side”. They are being lied to by their leaders as well in the Cosatu federation that says “This government is the government of the workers by the workers and the workers should protect it”.

When we speak of a workers’ government we have in view a government in which the working-class representatives dominate and lead. The proletariat, in order to consolidate its power, cannot but widen the base of the revolution. Many sections of the working masses, particularly in the countryside, will be drawn into the revolution and become politically organized only after the advance-guard of the revolution, the urban proletariat, stands at the helm of state.

Revolutionary agitation and organization will then be conducted with the help of state resources. The legislative power itself will become a powerful instrument for revolutionizing the masses. The nature of our social-historical relations, which

lays the whole burden of the bourgeois revolution upon the shoulders of the proletariat, will not only create tremendous difficulties for the government but, in the first period of its existence at any rate, will also give it invaluable advantages.

In the case of South Africa the government that is led by the ANC is in no way closer being a “workers’ government” that the Cosatu federation wishes it to be.

According to the Department of Labour, 1 Feb 2015, there are 23 labour federations in South Africa. The biggest are Cosatu, Fedusa, Consawu and Nactu. By the second quarter of 2015, there were only 3.7 million trade union members of a total number of employed people of 15.7 million. This is a 23.6% unionisation rate. When we consider that 36 million are of the age 15-64 then the unionisation is at about 10%. Despite this, leadership of revolutionary uprisings have always been in the hands of a revolutionary vanguard, who step to the front and gives decisive leadership.  Cosatu is controlled by the SACP, although their membership and even that of the ANC, are only a fraction of the total membership.

Cosatu, despite its posture of independence, is the most integrated into the capitalist state, having provided a steady stream of Cabinet Ministers since 1994 up to now. Besides the ANC, the SACP has also provided a steady stream of Ministers and recently its current General Secretary is also Minister of Higher Education. Each affiliate of Cosatu has a network of SACP members who report to the state on activities and activists in the union.

The imperialists have been allowed to impose their attacks on the masses, except for the occasional symbolic actions (1 day strikes). GEAR, New Growth Path, and now the NDP, all plans of imperialism, have been implemented, with minor changes, thanks to the SACP holding back the organised masses in Cosatu. Virtually every general strike from 1985 to date has been spearheaded by Cosatu, even though the number of general strikes has been reduced drastically since 1994. More crucially, these strikes have been driven by the masses and curtailed and shortened by the SACP. How so?

Among, the most class conscious working class activists, in recent times, have been located in Numsa. The 2013 Numsa Special Congress made a call for Cosatu to break its alliance with the ANC and SACP and to take steps towards the establishment of a workers’ party. The expulsion of Numsa from Cosatu was a calculated move by the ANC and SACP to drive out the most critical and class conscious workers from the ranks of the federation. This was in order to keep Cosatu under the control of the ANC and SACP. The next attack was to dominate the media landscape, giving EFF and Agang and other small political formations voices in the media and shun the Numsa and the likes of WASP in the public domain. This is because of the class ideologies and Marxist rhetoric – which the capitalists are far more afraid if the ideas swell the ranks of the working class like wild fire.

Now, while the ANC and SACP thought that they defeated the class struggle politics in the Cosatu or workers federation in SA there are many students and workers’ struggles intensifying since 2014. The #Feesmustfall and #Outsourcingmustfall are the struggles that have got the ANC and SACP off guard. Surprised as they were they needed to instill trust 9the ANC in its conference after the 2016 local elections were it lost major metros to DA said ‘there is a trust deficit in the country from the ANC’ amongst the masses.

But while every bourgeois party commanding the votes of the peasantry hastens to use its power in order to swindle and deceive the peasants and then, if the worst comes to the worst, gives place to another capitalist party, the proletariat, relying on the peasantry, will bring all forces into play in order to raise the cultural level of the countryside and develop the political consciousness of the peasantry.

The #Feesmustfall in itself is a class conscious struggle. It represents the widest range of students across all the racial lines. White, coloured and black students and outsourced employees of universities coming together to say “enough is enough”, we need to destroy the system – of colonialism and exploitation.

Indeed, such a coalition presupposes either that one of the existing bourgeois parties commands influence over the peasantry (ANC and SACP) or that the peasantry will have created a powerful independent MOVEMENT of its own. The students’ movements, divided into the haves and the have not’s; its radicalism and formlessness as the Group of Toils is the expression of the contradictoriness in the revolutionary aspirations of the peasantry. The lack of independence on the part of

the student representatives will show itself with particular clearness at the moment when it becomes necessary to show firm initiative, that is, at the time when power has to pass into the hands of the revolutionaries.

South Africa is at the edge of the permanent revolution as the ruling class deploys its lithal forces against the proletariat, workers and students.

The expulsion of Numsa from Cosatu was to prevent the development of a new working class party which would have taken Cosatu as its base.

  1. The crackdown on #Feesmustfall and arrests of the student leaders to put a stoppage on the movement of students, to purge and overturn the class struggle and consciousness amongst the youth.

The bourgeoisie in the alliance (ANC in particular) exercises their share of influence in the Cosatu, SACP and Peasants’ Committees, the organs of the agrarian revolution in the villages, but needless to say the Peasants’ Committees, economic-administrative institutions, will not be able to abolish the political struggles for dependence of the country upon the town, which forms one of the fundamental features of modern society.